The Shenanigans of the Konrad Adenauer and Hanns Seidel Political Foundations in Bulgaria

A scandal which erupted in Bulgaria today motivated me to tell you the story of the illegal activity of two German political foundations – the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Hanns Seidel Stiftung. In the concrete case which appalled me, the Konrad Adenauer political foundation commissioned an edition dedicated to Bulgarian politics in 2020, hired an editor who is a respected journalist and approved all authors and their topics. However, it refused to publish the edition in the end because it deemed that the articles written by experts were “against the government”.

Of course, this is an example of censorship, but this censorship is just the cherry in a toxic cocktail which Bulgaria has been drinking since 2006 when Boyko Borissov’s GERB party was created. Let me give you its recipe.

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Публикуваните цитати от решението на ICSID недвусмислено показват, че България се е споразумяла със Суверенния фонд на Оман

Тази седмица Центърът за разрешаване на инвестиционни спорове към Световната банка (International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, познат като ICSID) най-сетне публикува excerpts (цитати) от арбитражното решение по дело No. ARB/15/43 (Суверенният фонд на Оман срещу България). Те недвусмислено показват, че България се е споразумяла с втория най-голям акционер в КТБ.

Това решение касае всички български граждани. Българските данъкоплатци заслужават да научат колко са платили, за да компенсират щетите на Суверенния фонд на Оман. Въпросът, разбира се, не е само материален – очевидно, за да търси споразумение, българската държава индиректно признава вина по случая КТБ. Имайки предвид и ресурса, който беше впрегнат от правителството на Бойко Борисов, за да излъже българските граждани, и участието на медии с претенции като Дневник и КлубЗ в дезинформационната кампания, човек може да си даде сметка колко нездрава е средата в България.

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The EU Accession of the Western Balkans: The Perspective of a Neighbor

The editors of the Res Publica Blog – a project of the Institute of Communications Studies in Macedonia – recently asked me to share my views on the prospects for EU accession of Western Balkan countries, as part of the “Tales from the Region” blogging initiative. Considering how much ink has been spilled on this issue, I thought it was more appropriate to reason in the reverse – can the Western Balkans learn anything from the experience of new EU Member States like Bulgaria? I republish my article in full on my own blog with Res Publica‘s permission.

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On Bulgaria’s Notorious Veto on Macedonia’s EU Accession Talks

At the end of 2020, I was asked to share my thoughts on Bulgaria’s veto on Macedonia’s accession talks for EU membership for the Res Publica Blog – a project of the Institute of Communications Studies in Macedonia whose aim is to fight disinformation through research. The project is financed by the British Embassy in North Macedonia and publishes primarily academic writers. I republish my article in full on my own blog with the permission of the editors of Res Publica. As you will see, I do not share the views of the Bulgarian government – I find they belong to a different era.

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An Autocratic Christmas, An Autocratic Winter

Despite more than 160 days of protests, Boyko Borissov’s government stubbornly refuses to resign. Moreover, it has engaged in yet another assault against the rule of law. In my latest piece for the Verfassungsblog, I showcase how Borissov’s government is trying to mislead the European Commission that it has taken its concerns in Bulgaria’s report under the new Rule of Law Mechanism seriously. In essence, Bulgaria’s government has put forward an action plan consisting of various steps – many of them are irrelevant to the Commission’s concerns, even a greater number are anti-constitutional. You can read my piece titled “Borissov’s Latest Plan to Avoid True Reforms: On Bad Habits, the CVM, and the New Rule of Law Mechanism” here.

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An Interview for the Green European Journal

In late October, I was contacted by the Green European Journal, the independent publication of the Green European Foundation, which is one of the political foundations at an EU level. They wanted to learn more about Bulgaria’s longstanding challenges in the area of the rule of law. We talked for an hour about diverse issues – from corruption and rule of law decay, through rigged elections and scandals, to the future alternatives for Bulgaria, including the role of the Greens. I was surprised that they published our conversation almost in its entirety. You can read my interview here.

100 Days of Protests Exposing Bulgaria’s Rule of Law Decay

Bulgarians have been protesting against Boyko Borissov’s third government and General Prosecutor Ivan Geshev for more than 100 days. Beyond exposing the rampant corruption and the rule of law decay in the country, what have the protests achieved? Most importantly – what lies ahead, considering the European People’s Party continues to support its loyal autocrat? I ponder these questions in my latest article for New Eastern Europe – “Bulgaria: 100 days of protests”.

Surely, one of the longstanding problems of Bulgaria’s justice system, which the protests have also showcased, is the lack of accountability of the General Prosecutor, coupled with the excessive powers of the Prosecutor’s Office s/he leads. I was honored to be interviewed for a an episode of the new podcast of Verfassungsblog and the German Bar Association, “Let’s Talk about the Rule of Law”, about the role that prosecutor’s offices should have – their relationship with the executive, the checks and balances to which they should be subjected, etc. José Manuel Santos Pais, President of the Consultative Council of European Prosecutors (CCPE), Prof. Thomas Groß, and I had a fascinating discussion. You can listen to episode 5 of the new “Let’s Talk about the Rule of Law” podcast here.

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The Commission’s Rule of Law Reports: A Diagnosis or an Autopsy?

On 5 October 2020, the German Marshall Fund of the United States held a webinar dedicated to the first rule of law reports released by the European Commission under the new, much anticipated Rule of Law Mechanism. While the event was announced much before the publication of the reports, its title gave away the fears of rule of law experts – “Assessing the State of Rule of Law in the European Union: Diagnosis or Autopsy?”

I was honored to be invited to serve as one of the panelists along with Prof. Laurent Pech, Prof. Petra Bard, Anna Wójcik, who is the co-founder of Rule of Law in Poland, and Joachim Herrmann from the Cabinet of Commissioner Dreynders. As one could expect, the rule of law experts on the panel entertain very different views on the usefulness and the objectivity of these rule of law reports compared to the formal position of the European Commission. All of us seem to concur that the Commission spares hard truths for governments and that the reports rely heavily on euphemisms. I do believe that the criticism the Commission received was constructive and may benefit its own assessments in the future.

If you are interested in the debate, you can watch the recording on YouTube here. Prof. Pech discussed the general deficiencies of this mechanism while the rest of us critically evaluated the country chapters on Poland, Hungary, and Bulgaria:

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When Standards are Dual

Bulgaria’s fiery summer of protests led to a stormy fall. Sadly, there is a bitter feeling of dual standards in the air.

The government is clearly uncomfortable with the protests, so it resorted to a shameful trick typical of autocratic regimes – violence. Sadly, the EU Commission chose to look the other way. You can read my article “Protests in Bulgaria: will the EU at least condemn the violence?” for The Brussels Times here.

In stark contrast to the nonchalance of the EU Commission, the EU Parliament took some interest in Bulgaria’s democratic backsliding. At a hearing of the LIBE Committee dedicated to the rule of law decay in Bulgaria, however, Commissioner Vera Jourova, whose portfolio includes values and transparency in the EU, was afraid to depart from her institutional point of view and maintained that Bulgaria had been making steady progress under the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism which monitors the country in the areas of rule of law, corruption, and organized crime. You can read my article “On Coins, Parallel Universes and the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism” for the Verfassungsblog in which I showcase the pitfalls of this mechanism and the hypocrisy of the EU Commission.

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An Explosive Summer

The mass protests in Bulgaria of 2020 will be remembered for many reasons – the persistence of citizens, the fact that right-wingers and left-wingers stand together against corruption and autocracy, the police violence, the arrogance and political games of Borissov’s government and his GERB party and, sadly, the silence of EU institutions.

In August, I published my article entitled “Protests in Bulgaria: EU values, wherefore art thou?” with New Eastern Europe. I showcase the ambiguous reaction by EU institutions towards the protests and the dual standards regarding the rule of law which become more and more visible.

I was also interviewed for the Talk Eastern Europe podcast in early August about the protests and the perspectives ahead. As the hosts noted, Bulgaria is rarely covered by international media, so few people abroad are aware of the gravity of the political disaster which struck. You can listen to my interview here.

If you follow me, you know I often write about Bulgaria’s rule of law decay.

You can find a list of my blog posts and some of my articles for the media here! You can follow me on Twitter @radosveta_vass!

A Grand National Assembly or Grand Bulgarian Chicanery?

Earlier this month I was invited to comment on Boyko Borissov’s latest ideas for constitutional reform by the Verfassungsblog. Those following the decline of Bulgaria’s rule of law and those who have respect for constitutionalism will not be surprised by my conclusions. Borissov is abusing the Bulgarian legal concept of a grand national assembly to prevent fairer elections. GERB’s proposal for a new constitution lacks merit. It is largely based on the current Constitution. The few amendments it introduces are of questionable value: they are ill-drafted or designed to deliver a blow to parliamentarism. You can read my full contribution entitled “A Grand National Assembly or Grand National Chicanery?” here.

Bulgaria’s Ignored Rule of Law Crisis

Earlier this month, I wrote an article for the blog of the #FBPE movement (Follow Back, Pro-European) about the challenges which Bulgaria faces in the area of rule of law and why the mass protests started. The hashtag was first used by Mr. Hendrik Klaassens in response to Brexit, but it quickly transformed into a movement. Currently, FBPE is even a word defined in English dictionaries. I am very grateful that they are now turning their eyes to and following the rule of law crises in Eastern Europe. You can read my contribution “Bulgaria’s Ignored Rule of Law Crisis” here.

If you follow me, you know I often write about Bulgaria’s rule of law decay.

You can find a list of my blog posts and some of my articles for the media here!

Will Borissov’s Government Survive This Summer?

As you probably know, mass protests erupted in Bulgaria on 9 July 2020 after Bulgaria’s Prosecutor’s Office raided Bulgaria’s Presidency in an attempt to orchestrate a coup. Bulgarians demand the immediate resignation of Boyko Boriossov’s government and controversial General Prosecutor Ivan Geshev who engages in politically motivated prosecutions in violation of the Constitution, the ECHR, and the EU Charter. President Rumen Radev is the only critic of Prime Minister Boyko Borissov who has a high position in the state and Bulgaria’s Presidency is essentially the only institution which has not been fully captured. In June 2020, way before the protests started, I wrote this article for New Eastern Europe: “Bulgaria: will Borissov’s government survive this summer?”. It does not cover the protests, but I think it will further showcase to you why citizens are on the streets. Nearly 100,000 people protested in Sofia on 15 July 2020. We are about to see if my title is prophetic.

Как се пише молба за екстрадиция? Тайният наръчник на българската прокуратура

В статията си “Знаете ли какво е екстрадиционно производство? Кратък коментар за незапознати”, ви обещах да напиша по-подробен материал относно молбите за екстрадиция на Цветан Василев, които българската прокуратура е пратила до Сърбия. До този момент, те са четири. Всяка е уникална сама по себе си, но считам, че втората илюстрира най-добре ценностите на българската прокуратура и разкрива принципите, на които тя се осланя. В предходната статия характеризирах точно тази втора молба като “особен повей на въображение”.

В този смисъл, имате голям късмет, тъй като ще повдигна завесата над тайния наръчник, който подозирам, че прокуратурата ползва, защото нямам друго обяснение за текста на тази молба за екстрадиция. Много малко хора са виждали тези документи досега, така че наистина имате уникална възможност и рядко щастие да си обогатите юридическите познания. Имайте предвид, че ще се учите от едни от най-успелите български юристи, тъй като молбата е разписана лично от Сотир Цацаров в качеството му на главен прокурор, а доказателственият материал е грижливо подготвен от Ив. Гешев, Ир. Ганчева и Евг. Стоянов (Фигура 1). Има основания да се допусне, че това са именно Иван Гешев, Ирена Ганчева и Евгени Стоянов.

Всички те са направили шеметни кариери от 2015 г. насам, откакто тази втора молба е пратена в Сърбия – Гешев е главен прокурор, Стоянов е зам. министър на правосъдието в третото правителство на Борисов, Ганчева е повишена и изпитва младши прокурори. Не вярвам, че професионалните им успехи са свързани с това творчество, но знае ли се.

Готови ли сте?

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Знаете ли какво е екстрадиционно производство? Кратък коментар за незапознати

Много небивалици съм чела по адрес на баща си Цветан Василев, но може би няма да повярвате, че най-много нелепици са писани относно неговата “екстрадиция” от Сърбия. В България всеки е специалист по теми, свързани с икономиката, образованието и правосъдието от години, но от 2014 г. всички станаха експерти и по екстрадиция. Още по-жалко е, че голямата част от небивалиците не идват просто от кафяви медии или медии, които са собственост на негови опоненти, а от юристи, даже и от българските власти. Намирам това стечение на обстоятелствата за изключително притеснително.

Мога да групирам нелепите коментари по адрес на производството по екстрадиция на Цветан Василев по следния начин:

  • прокуратурата нищо не прави по този въпрос (най-често срещаната лъжа)
  • прокуратурата нарочно не прави нищо по този въпрос (по Христо Иванов и други “критици” на Борисов)
  • Борисов да направи ултиматум към Сърбия по тази тема (по Емил Радев/Александър Йорданов, кафяви медии и бивши агенти на ДС)
  • Цветан Василев се ползва с протекции в Сърбия (по прокуратурата и кафяви медии).

Налага ми се да сведа изложението до доста ниско ниво – всички тези твърдения представят екстрадиционното производство като някаква търговия или, едва ли не, предаване на чувал с картофи. Това е перверзен прочит на този вид производство, особено след като и двете държави в случая (България и Сърбия) са членки на Съвета на Европа и са ратифицирали ЕКПЧ. Ще обърна внимание защо това е релевантно по-долу.

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COVID-19 and Autocracy

Could the COVID-19 crisis serve as an excuse to solidify autocracy? In countries in which the rule of law is undermined such as Bulgaria, this seems very likely. Earlier this month I contributed to an online Symposium hosted by the Verfassungsblog dedicated to states of emergency and democracy. You can read my contribution here.

Дупки и чували в КТБ?

Дупки и чували? Нали това асоциирате с КТБ? Дълго време се чудех как зрели хора могат да вярват в измислици, но явно това е резултатът, когато институциите разпространяват нелепици и когато масови медии им пригласят безкритично понеже не харесват човек Х.

Да започнем с “дупката”! Това не е нито правен, нито финансов термин. Коректният термин е “капиталов недостиг”. Такъв може да бъде доказан с одит. Само че КТБ до ден днешен няма одитиран годишен отчет за 2014 г. Няма и одитиран отчет за първото шестмесечие на 2014 г. Лицензът й е отнет на 6 ноември 2014 г. на база на доклад на Deloitte, Ernst & Young и Афа, който до ден днешен не е публичен. Освен това, ВАС не позволи на акционерите, мениджмънта и вложителите да обжалват решението за отнемане на лиценза на КТБ в разрез с практиката на Съда в Страсбург (Капитал банк срещу България), за да не става тази бутафория публична. Пак заради тази бутафория, България сключи споразумение със Суверенния фонд на Оман – тези, които ме следват редовно, знаят как точно това се случи и беше скрито от правителството.

Лъжите не свършват тук. През 2014 г., на българското общество БНБ и правителството съобщават, че в КТБ е правен одит, който установил “дупка”, а на Европейската комисия казват, че е направена оценка на активи (Asset Quality Review). Тези твърдения са взаимоизключващи се. Да не говорим, че за да се прави оценка на активи, фирмите трябва да имат лиценз за независим оценител – нито една от фирмите, ангажирани за фамозния доклад, няма такъв. Самите фирми, които до една са в конфликт на интереси, включват този дисклеймър в доклада си:

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Bulgaria, a Rule of Law Crisis in All but Name

In January 2020, Transparency International reconfirmed Bulgaria as the most corrupt EU member in its authoritative Corruption Perceptions Index. This is a good, but sad occasion to inform you about my latest media articles:

  • In December 2019, I warned that Bulgaria was sabotaging the work of the future European Public Prosecutor in an article for Euronews. As you can imagine, the government was quite unhappy and responded with a libelous article published in their favorite tabloid (24 Chasa). If you cannot attack the argument, attack the author.
  • In February 2020, I raised concern about the water crisis in Pernik, which I deem to be an illustration of what the lack of rule of law leads to, in an article for New Eastern Europe. The health and safety of more than 100,000 European Union citizens is at peril as a result of incompetence and negligence, but international media and EU policy-makers ignore this disaster.
  • In February 2020, I showcased Bulgaria’s 10-year cat-and-mouse game with the Council of Europe in an article for the Verfassungsblog. Bulgaria has been refusing to comply with a decision by the European Court of Human Rights for a decade because it requires a reform of an institution which experts consider one of the biggest threats to the rule of law – Bulgaria’s Prosecutor’s Office.

All of these events provide further evidence that Bulgaria is a rule of law crisis in all but name – an argument I have made for the EUobserver in 2018. Sadly, this is possible because of the complicity of EU institutions.

For the latest updates on Bulgaria’s rule of law, follow me on Twitter @radosveta_vass!

Какво се случи през юни 2014 г.? Радосвета Василева продължава да пита Цветан Василев за КТБ

Ако търсите бомби, както сега е модерно да се наричат шокиращи новини, в Част II на “Митове и легенди за КТБ: Радосвета Василева пита Цветан Василев” има няколко. Основните теми са:

  • Имал ли е тайни срещи Росен Плевнелиев преди 13-ти юни 2014 г. относно КТБ (например, със Сотир Цацаров и Иван Искров)?
  • Защо БНР участва в разпалването на паниката сред вложителите на КТБ?
  • Защо намираме риториката на Пеевски в Икономедия през лято 2014?
  • Имал ли е Бисер Лазов връзки с Икономедия преди юни 2014 г.? 
  • Прелъстени и изоставени ли са Протестна мрежа?

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