How Bulgaria Systemically Conceals ICSID Settlements to Hide Evidence of Unlawful Conduct and/or Crimes in Office by Public Officials

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Do you know that Bulgaria claims that it has never lost a case at the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID)? This is a half-truth spread in bad faith! The sad reality, which Bulgaria manages to hide through loopholes in ICSID’s rules and regulations and large-scale misinformation campaigns, is that Bulgaria has settled with claimants many times. Sometimes these campaigns mislead even people with experience in arbitration how a case ended.

Countries usually settle with investors when they fear that there is a good possibility that they will lose a case. Why might this signal rule of law decay? Bulgaria’s case amply shows that the Ministry of Finance settles with claimants and then lies to the public that it won the case to hide evidence of unlawful conduct and/or crimes in office by public officials. This, of course, spares the latter accountability.

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Nikolay Denkov’s Government and the Great Betrayal of the 2020 Anti-Corruption Protests

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In my latest article for New Eastern Europe, I shine a light on the Faustian bargain between reformist parties (PPDB) and parties of the establishment (GERB; DPS) in Bulgaria, which led to the election of Nikolay Denkov’s government in 2023. While, from an outside perspective, the governing coalition established stability after a long election spiral, it symbolizes the betrayal of the 2020 anti-corruption protests to many at home. The anti-corruption efforts and the measures supposed to strengthen the rule of law, which PPDB promised, are a distant memory. Not only did the recent coalition governing Bulgaria whitewash figures suspected of being implicated in grand corruption, such as Boyko Borissov and Delyan Peevski, but also it engaged in pseudo-reforms, including a constitutional reform, whose true purpose is to solidify Borissov and Peevski’s influence in the justice system. It does not help that the ministers look like mere puppets in the hands of the shameful political union.

Against the background of high-profile murders of figures with links to organized crime, who are also suspected of synergies with politicians, Denkov’s government and its future successor lose even more credibility. One wonders who governs Bulgaria, where decisions are taken, and to what extent organized crime plays a role in the political landscape.

You can read my article “Bulgaria’s Faustian bargain and the betrayal of the 2020 anti-corruption protests” here.

Историята на една удивителна небивалица – КОЙ и защо измисли “дупката” в КТБ през 2014 г.?

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Една лъжа, макар и повторена хиляди пъти, не става истина. Днес ще ви разкажа историята на “дупката” в КТБ – кой и защо я измисли, както и кой му помогна да я маркетира и да я наложи като опорка едно десетилетие.

Това е кратък обзор, който показва, че за да се убие системна банка, не е достатъчен само вестник – трябват, също така, и пленени институции, и креативни счетоводители като тези от АФА, Делойт и Ърнст енд Янг, за чиито фалшиментни доклади ви разказах в последните си постове (виж тук, тук, тук, тук и тук). Както стана ясно, лицензът на КТБ е отнет от БНБ на база на строго поверителни доклади, които не съставляват одит, не представляват преглед на активи, не разглеждат качество на активи, не анализат нито капиталовата адекватност, нито ликвидността в банката, не гарантират за надеждността на информацията и не могат да бъдат ползвани в съдебни или други производства.

За потърпевшите по случая КТБ не е тайна кой стои зад погрома над банката – Делян Пеевски и Бойко Борисов, които употребиха БНБ и прокуратурата. Важно е, обаче, да се отбележи, че има и сателитни участници в разстрела на КТБ – счетоводители и медии, и то не само на Пеевски, които също би трябвало да поемат отговорност за ролята си.

20 юни 2014-а г. – раждането на “дупката” в медиите на Иво Прокопиев

“Дупката” в КТБ си има публична рождена дата. За първи път забелязах употребата на думата “дупка” в контекста на КТБ на 20.06.2014 г. в статия за сайта “Капитал” на Иво Прокопиев, озаглавена “БНБ временно влезе в КТБ”, с автор Николай Стоянов.

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“Строго конфиденциален” договор за комплот! АФА, квесторите на КТБ и БНБ дължат твърде много отговори за тайните “консултации” от 2014 г.

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На 6.11.2014 г. Управителният съвет на БНБ отнема лиценза на КТБ на основание чл. 36, ал. 2, т. 2 от Закона за кредитните институции (ЗКИ) или установяването на отрицателен капитал. Публикува и смайващо прессъобщение, в което твърди, че “преглед на активите” на КТБ от Делойт, Ърнст енд Янг и АФА установил “необходимост от обезценки на активи на КТБ в общ размер на 4222 млн. лева”. Същевременно, докладите на “одиторските” фирми остават дълбока тайна – БНБ отказва да ги направи достояние на обществеността. България, също така, отказа да ги представи пред Съда в Страсбург по делото “КТБ срещу България”.

Десет години след убийството на КТБ и трите тайни “доклада” на “одиторските” фирми стигнаха до мен (вижте публикациите ми със снимки на докладите тук и тук). Те съдържат многословни дисклеймъри, че извършеното било консултация, която

  • не съставлява одит
  • не съставлява преглед на активи
  • не включва предоставянето на формално или второ мнение относно приложението на счетоводните принципи, дефинирани в секция 230 от Етичния кодекс на професионалните счетоводители на Международната федерация на счетоводителите
  • не съдържа мнение
  • не съдържа препоръки
  • не гарантира за надеждността на информацията
  • не анализира ликвидността в банката
  • не анализира въпроса за капиталова адекватност
  • не може да служи за доказателство по съдебно или друго производство
  • трябва да остане в тайна

Остава мистерия как УС на БНБ е установил отрицателен капитал на база на “доклади” без счетоводна и правна стойност, което пък повдига въпроса, доколко действията на БНБ спрямо КТБ са били легални и до каква степен – престъпни. КТБ няма одитиран годишен очет за 2014 г. до ден днешен, въпреки че синдиците са осъждани за тази липса.

“Строго конфиденциалният” договор между АФА и квесторите на БНБ, който също стигна до мен, обаче, добавя нови щрихи към този скандал – за какво точно са били наети тези “одитори”? На мен ми прилича на договор за комплот срещу акционерите, вложителите и кредитополучателите на КТБ или на договор за съдействие за изкуственото фалиране на банката. При всички положения, това е договор с незаконен предмет.

Договор с мистериозен предмет и странна форма

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“Строго поверително” – анатомията на престъплението на века. Фалшиментните консултации на EY и Deloitte, съучастници на АФА, също светнаха като коледни елхи

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В англоезичния свят обичат да казват “when it rains, it pours”. Тоест, когато се случи нещо лошо, то води със себе си и други злини. В случая, тези лоши поличби са за статуквото, защото след срамния “доклад” на АФА за КТБ от 2014 г., тайните доклади на Ърнст енд Янг (EY) и на Делойт (Deloitte) за КТБ, които България крие от десет години насам, също стигнаха до мен.

Тези доклади представляват неопровержими доказателства, че лицензът на КТБ е отнет незаконно. Освен това, могат да послужат и за доказателства за серия закононарушения и (предполагаеми) престъпления от УС на БНБ и от квесторите на КТБ, назначени от БНБ.

Aко една консултация не е одит, не е преглед на активи, не разглежда ликвидност, не анализира капиталова адекватност, не може да служи за доказателство пред съд или друг компетентен орган и не гарантира за надеждността на информацията в нея – каква е нейната същност, каква е нейната стойност и как въобще може да бъде основание за отнемане на лиценз на банка?

Главозамайващият дисклеймър на АФА

В предната си статия “Колко “застраховани” срещу отговорност на основание “измама с цел лична облага” са Валя Йорданова, Рени Йорданова и “одиторската” им фирма “БДО АФА”?, ви разказах за ролята на АФА в няколко фалшификации, свързани с изкуствения фалит на КТБ. АФА са автори на една от трите консултации, на база на които е отнет лицензът на банката. Те са намесени и в измамната експертиза по “мегаделото” КТБ. Запознах ви, също така, с многословния им дисклеймър, с който те се опитват да се застраховат срещу носене на каквато и да било отговорност за действията си.

Ето един ключов цитат от него:

“Нашият доклад не е предназначен за използване като доказателство или като друго експертно заключение в съдебни или други производства… ние не поемаме отговорност за този доклад или за заключенията, които сме формирали, пред което и да е друго лице, освен [КТБ]…”.

Оказва се, обаче, че дисклеймърите на Делойт (Deloitte) и на Ърнст енд Янг (EY) съдържат много повече застраховки, които недвусмислено говорят, че те, също като АФА, не само ясно са съзнавали, че вършат нещо нередно, но и ги е било срам от извършеното.

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Колко “застраховани” срещу отговорност на основание “измама с цел лична облага” са Валя Йорданова, Рени Йорданова и “одиторската” им фирма “БДО АФА”?

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Тече, тече, всичко тече… и така, скандалният доклад на “АФА”, една от фалшификациите, на база на които е отнет лицензът на КТБ през 2014 г., изтече към мен. Осъзнавам, че имам невероятен късмет и огромна отговорност, защото тези доклади са една от най-дълбоко пазените тайни на държавата България, а може би – една от най-големите тайни на дълбоката държава в България.

Докладите на “АФА”, Ърнст енд Янг” и “Делойт” от 2014 г. не са публични до ден днешен! България, в лицето на Министерство на правосъдието, отказа да ги представи пред Съда в Страсбург по делото “КТБ срещу България”. Тези доклади са и причината България да се споразумее с Оман по делото “Суверенен фонд на Оман срещу България” пред Международия център за разрешаване на инвестиционни спорове във Вашингтон. Както знаете, наскоро разследващи журналисти от “Бърд” осъдиха Министерство на финансите да направи споразумението с Оман публично. Това министерство, видимо, не само не се срамува, че е заблуждавало обществото, че България била “спечелила” делото с години, не само не се притеснява, че лъжите му за принципа на конфиденциалност в ICSID са изобличени и пред българския съд, но и отказва да се съобрази с решение на български съд.

Безценната находка – докладът на “АФА” за КТБ от 2014 г. – е маркирана “конфиденциално”. Съдържанието й е потресаващо и води до резонния въпрос – колко “застраховани” срещу отговорност на основание “измама с цел лична облага” са Валя Йорданова, Рени Йорданова и “одиторската” им фирма “БДО АФА”? Този въпрос е особено важен на фона на последните ми постове “По стъпките на две фалшификации относно КТБ свързани с “Афа”” и “Между финансовия успех и моралния фалит – около “АФА” мирише все по-лошо”. Разбира се, важен е и контекстът на делото срещу група предполагаеми измамници, включително Иван Гешев, заведено от Цветан Василев в Република Кипър.

Допълнителни въпроси изникват около Рени Йорданова, Валя Йорданова и съзвездието им “Афите” във връзка със зеещи дупки и фрапантна липса на отчетност в Търговския регистър на Република България.

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Между финансовия успех и моралния фалит – около “АФА” мирише все по-лошо

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В предходния си пост “По стъпките на две фалшификации относно КТБ свързани с “Афа”” ви разказах, че покрай делото в Кипър, което Цветан Василев заведе срещу Иван Гешев, “Бейкър Тили-Кипър” и граждани на Кипър и Ирландия, изплуват интересни връзки и доказателства за умишления фалит на банката.

Широко прокламираната от прокуратурата, и в частност от Иван Гешев, “експертиза” по “мегаделото” КТБ се оказва манипулирана по инструкции на Иван Гешев – освен това, е със съмнително авторство. Формално е приписана на “Бейкър Тили-Кипър”, но от тази фирма отричат да са я правили. По ирония на съдбата, в материалите по “мегаделото” КТБ има документи, които показват, че вместо на “Бейкър Тили”, достъп до досиетата, вкл. в извънработно време и в празнични дни, е даден на българската “АФА” – фирма добре позната на пострадалите от изкуствения фалит на КТБ.

“АФА” и “Бейкър Тили-България” имат дълга история на общи проекти – даже при ребрандирането на “АФА” на “БДО АФА” през 2023 г., става ясно, че голяма част от служителите на “АФА” са напуснали и са се присъединили към екипа на “Бейкър Тили-България”. Отговорът на въпроса, кой, как и защо е решил да пришие доклада на “Бейкър Тили-Кипър” и каква е конкретната роля на “АФА” в този скандал, остава неразгадан. Едно, обаче, е ясно – около “АФА” и служител на “АФА” на име Валя Йорданова мирише все по-лошо.

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По стъпките на две фалшификации относно КТБ свързани с “Афа”

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В началото на февруари 2024 г. Цветан Василев информира обществеността, че Съдът в Кипър даде ход на дело на основание “заговор с цел измама” срещу четири физически лица, вкл. бившия главен прокурор Иван Гешев, и кипърския клон на “Бейкър Тили”. Българската прокуратура твърди пред българския съд, а и в много публични изказвания, че “експертизата” по мегаделото КТБ е правена от “Бейкър Тили-Кипър”. В хода на производството пред кипърския съд, обаче, стана ясно, че не само “Бейкър Тили-Кипър” не са правили експертизата, но и че тя е писана по методология, наложена от прокуратурата – тоест, експертизата е негодна и фалшифицирана.

Преглед на материалите по делото КТБ, както и на печата, повдигат много въпроси, вкл. кой е истинският автор на фалшиментната експертиза, приписана на “Бейкър Тили”.

Каква е ролята на “Афа консултинг”?

Както вече разкри сайтът “КТБ фактите”, изключително любопитно е, че по времето, когато се предполага, че уж “Бейкър Тили-Кипър” извършват злополучната експертиза, достъп до документи с постановление на Иван Гешев и Евгени Стоянов получават четири счетоводителки от “Афа консултинг” – Светлана Георгиева, Саша Дерменджиева, Валентина Бранкова и Валя Йорданова. Още по-интересно е, че достъп до материалите, селектирани от прокуратурата, е даден и в почивни, и в празнични дни. Тоест, тези госпожи получават особен статут, с който други вещи лица не се ползват.

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EU Bureaucracy Undermines Human Rights

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In my latest piece for the Verfassungsblog, I share the lessons learned from a 5-year long journey of trying to persuade the EU Commission and the EU Parliament to comply with their obligations under the EU Treaties. Namely, the EU Commission has recently launched an infringement procedure against Bulgaria in view of its breaches of Directive 2016/343 on the presumption of innocence and on grounds I have been raising in formal complaints to EU institutions since 2018. My 5-year long disillusioning experience of raising concerns about Bulgaria’s deliberate breaches of EU law before the EU Parliament and the EU Commission may serve as a case study providing some food for thought about the value of fundamental rights in the eyes of these EU institutions, as well as their handling of reasoned citizen complaints.

You can read my full article titled ‘At a Snail’s Pace: How EU Bureaucracy Undermines Fundamental Rights’ here.

Under the Bright Lights: Bulgaria’s Mafia State and the Failure of the CVM

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The dismissal of a General Prosecutor, prosecutorial wars, a war between a General Prosecutor (Ivan Geshev) and a former Prime Minister (Boyko Borissov), brutal murders…

This is not a thriller – this is Bulgaria! Moreover, this is Bulgaria under the guidance of the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism (CVM), which was supposed to help it catch up with other Member States in the area of the rule of law.

Happy to share my latest post for the Verfassungsblog in which I discuss the latest troubling developments and the European Commission’s flagrant omissions in the CVM. You can read “Bulgaria’s Mafia State and the Failure of the CVM” here.

Bulgaria’s Persistent Interpol Abuses

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Are you aware that Bulgaria abuses Interpol’s system just like rogue states like Russia and Turkey?

In a two-part guest blog for the Red Notice Monitor, a blog specialized in reporting on Interpol abuse, I explain in detail four cases in which the Commission for the Control of Interpol’s Files (the CCF) has established prosecution in violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by Bulgaria. The Red Notice Monitor is edited by leading experts in human rights, extradition, and Interpol abuse in the UK.

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Bulgaria’s Election Spiral: Scratching Beneath the Surface

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Where is Bulgaria headed after the fifth parliamentary election in the span of two years? My latest piece for New Eastern Europe titled “Bulgaria’s election spiral: the anatomy of disappointment” explains why the current political crisis can only be overcome if its roots are properly understood and addressed. In a country like Bulgaria, where appearances may often be deceiving, however, identifying these causes is not a straightforward task.

  • What does Boyko Borissov have to lose if his party is not part of government?
  • What strategies has Bulgaria’s status quo employed to sabotage the formation of a stable regular government in the past two years?
  • Who are the “poisonous lookalikes” on the Bulgarian political stage and what are they used for?
  • Why did President Rumen Radev drastically alter his views on the rule of law and Borissov?
  • How can we explain the rise of the pro-Russian “Revival” and to what extent is the threat to Euro-Atlanticism in Bulgaria real?
  • What do the latest voting patterns tell us?

You can read my full article here.

Няколко думи за последните пиеси на Иван Гешев

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За съжаление от години българските медии отразяват безкритично твърдения на български прокурори, независимо дали те звучат абсурдно и/или показват фундаментално погазване на закона. Примерите изобилстват!

В този план, във връзка с последните нелепици, изречени от главния прокурор, който замеси името на баща ми в поредната си пиеса, предлагам на вашето внимание публичното изявление на Цветан Василев от 10.04.2023 г. Изказвам и възмущението си, че медиите повториха и разпространиха нелепи лъжи по адрес на баща ми. За сметка на това, поради “високата” си етичност, нито го потърсиха за коментар, нито отразиха изявлението му по повод медийните фойерверки на Иван Гешев.

Няколко акцента от изявлението:

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Will Bulgaria Finally Separate the Wheat from the Chaff on Its Political Stage?

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Earlier this month, I analyzed the deepening political crisis in Bulgaria in the context of the forthcoming parliamentary election in April 2023 for Res Publica, an academic blog edited by the Institute of Communication Studies of North Macedonia. In my commentary, I explain in details how an autocracy resists its dismantling and why an election spiral is not necessarily a bad thing given the circumstances. I republish my article “Bulgaria’s Deepening Political Crisis: An Opportunity to Separate the Wheat from the Chaff” with the permission of the editors:

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Quo vadis Bulgaria?

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In my latest piece for New Eastern Europe titled “After yet another election, where are you heading Bulgaria?”, I discuss why Bulgaria has entered a seemingly never-ending cycle of parliamentary elections.

Regrettably, Bulgaria’s status quo forces rely on a panoply of Trojan horses to sabotage anti-corruption reforms and save actors implicated in corruption from accountability. The latest disappointment is President Rumen Radev who seems to be collaborating with the parties accused of corruption – namely, GERB and DPS – behind the scenes. I conclude that “[if] a regular government is formed this time, its goal will not be to protect the future of Bulgaria, but to ensure the impunity of Borissov and the key players in his autocracy”.

My Interview with My Publisher Intersentia: What Are the Unique Features of Bulgarian Law?

.Reading time 14 minutes.

Recently, I gave an interview to my publisher Intersentia discussing the unique features of Bulgarian law, which I have showcased in my book Bulgarian Private Law at Crossroads.

My book Bulgarian Private Law at Crossroads was published by Intersentia on 26 August 2022. It marked the beginning of Intersentia’s “Private Law around the World” series. You can learn more about its goals in a blog piece I wrote for the British Association of Comparative Law last summer.

The book lies at the intersection of comparative law, European private law, and legal history. It surveys the fascinating and turbulent development of Bulgarian private law in the past century and a half and shines a light on little known influences on Bulgarian law (many of you will be surprised by what I found). Because of the historical dimension, I have drawn parallels between communist law and current Bulgarian law to discover some totalitarian practices are being revived.

Earlier this year, I was honored to learn that more than 50 libraries, including the library of Yale University, Princeton, UPenn, McGill, etc., had already acquired my book.

I republish my interview with Intersentia below:

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The Constitutional Assault on the Istanbul Convention in Bulgaria

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Earlier this year, Osteuropa Recht, the German academic journal focused on East European law(s), published a special issue dedicated to the fate of the Istanbul Convention in Eastern Europe. I was happy to contribute to it with a piece on Bulgaria discussing the extraordinary constitutional attack against the convention. Osteuropa Recht‘s publisher, Nomos, has decided to make my article open access, so that more people can read it. In case you are interested in my take, you can find my contribution titled “A Perfect Storm: The Extraordinary Constitutional Attack against the Istanbul Convention in Bulgaria” here.

Extradition to Russia from an EU Member State

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Earlier this month, I shared my thoughts on the first-instance decision in Alexey Alchin’s extradition proceedings for the Verfassungsblog. I argued that behind this decision lurk 1) judicial incompetence as the first-instance court could not even get the applicable law right; 2) the subservience of Bulgarian judges to the omnipotent Prosecutor’s Office which has unhealthy ties with Russia’s Prosecutor’s Office; 3) overall rule of law decay.

Luckily, the second-instance court quashed the first-instance decision today. However, I am convinced that this is the case because of public pressure – a number of influential figures took an interest in the proceedings against Alchin. Had the first-instance decision gone unnoticed by civil society, the second-instance decision could have been very different.

You can read my original commentary for the Verfassungsblog titled “Extradition to Russia from an EU Member State: Judicial Incompetence, Political Bias, or Just Another Sign of Rule of Law Decay?” here.

The Moody Bulgarian-Macedonian ‘Hala’

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Earlier this month, I was invited to share my thoughts on the next chapter of Bulgarian-Macedonian relations for the Res Publica Blog of the Institute of Communication Studies of North Macedonia. I republish my commentary titled ‘The Bulgarian-Macedonian Hala Meets EU Hyprocrisy’ with the permission of the editors:

The Bulgarian-Macedonian Hala Meets EU Hypocrisy

In the mythology of Slavic people living in the Balkans, the hala is a moody vicious dragon tormenting villages with thunderstorms and depriving them of harvest. While legends diverge, in some regions, it is believed that this supernatural ruthless monster eats children and hurts adults (on the hala’s numerous powers, see Ronesa Aveela, Spirits & Creatures Series Collection: Household Spirits, Rusalki, Dragons & Dragon Tales). The hala could be a metaphor for the Bulgarian-Macedonian tensions over cultural identity. Once in a while, this monster makes a sudden appearance on either side of the Bulgarian-Macedonian border and demonstrates its bad temper. According to Bulgarian mainstream beliefs, the Macedonian hala heartlessly devours Bulgarian history and threatens the fruit of Bulgarian culture. From a Macedonian perspective, the Bulgarian hala cruelly engulfs the EU future of Macedonian children and threatens Macedonian identity.

In the latest chapter of Bulgarian-Macedonian relations marked by the Bulgaria-Macedonia Friendship Treaty of 2017 and the subsequent notorious Bulgarian veto, the Bulgarian-Macedonian hala started living an EU life. However, will this EU life finally calm down the hala, especially after the bilateral protocol of July 17th, 2022 supplementing the treaty and paving the way to Macedonia’s EU negotiations?

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A Bulgarian Coup

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In my latest article for New Eastern Europe, I discuss the downfall of Kiril Petkov’s government which is shrouded in mystery. In Parliament, Petkov blamed four individuals for his deposition. Yet, what was their vested interest in dethroning Petkov and what is the relationship between them? Corruption, suspicions of Russian meddling, and political parties designed to steal votes from real anticorruption parties are the ingredients of what looks like a political thriller. You can read “Who is who in the Bulgarian coup?” here.

Bulgarian Private Law at Crossroads: My New Book!

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Happy to share that my book Bulgarian Private Law at Crossroads is forthcoming with Intersentia, one of the leading publishers in comparative law, next month. It marks the beginning of Intersentia’s new “Private Law around the World” series.

The book examines the fascinating and turbulent development of Bulgarian private law from the end of the 19th century to the present day and highlights its particularities from a comparative perspective. It focuses on the law of obligations (mainly, contract, tort, and unjust enrichment) and property law. It is written for those who do not have a background in Bulgarian law, but it may be interesting for Bulgarian lawyers too because I bust a series of myths about Bulgarian law propagated by Bulgarian scholarship and highlight the deficiencies of Bulgarian legislation.

You can learn more about the book and explore its table of contents on Intersentia’s website.

I recently wrote a piece outlining the purpose of my monograph for the Blog of the British Association of Comparative Law which can be found here.

EU’s Credibility in the Western Balkans

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This week I had the chance to share my thoughts regarding EU’s credibility in the Western Balkans for Judy Dempsey’s special edition called “Judy Asks” for Carnegie Europe. You can read my full answer to Judy’s question “Are the EU’s Enlargement Promises Credible?” here.

If interested in the EU’s treatment of the Western Balkans, consider reading:

You can also listen to this episode produced by the Institute of Communication Studies of North Macedonia in which researchers from Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia, and Macedonia discuss the “EU future” of the Western Balkans. None of us sound very optimistic, sadly.

Finally, if interested in my earlier contributions to Judy Dempsey’s rubric, see my responses to the following curve balls:

The End of an Experiment: Borissov’s Specialized Criminal Courts

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On 14 April 2022, Bulgaria’s Parliament adopted amendments to the Law on Judiciary and related legislation to permanently dissolve a parallel court system built during Boyko Borissov’s first term as Prime Minister – the Specialized Criminal Court, acting as a first and second instance, and the Specialized Prosecutor’s Office supposed to fight corruption and organized crime. Even before these institutions started working, one could see that they would be politicized and used for harassment of inconvenient people. This is primarily due to the fact that they are a misplaced legal transplant – they were transplanted in a justice system with severe structural problems which remained unattended, without consideration for the specifics of the local legal culture and without evidence that they would be successful at fighting corruption. Unsurprisingly, this parallel court system established a strong record of ignoring basic principles of criminal law and violating human rights, too. Unfortunately, these troublesome developments were encouraged by the European Commission via the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism (CVM) under which Bulgaria’s rule of law has been monitored since the country’s accession to the EU.

Last month, I was invited to write a commentary on the rise and fall of specialized criminal justice in Bulgaria for the Verfassungsblog – you can read my article “Bulgaria’s Failed Specialized Criminal Justice Experiment” in full here. Also, since the failure of the CVM is a long-standing research interest of mine, I am sharing my academic article ‘Threats to the Rule of Law: The Pitfalls of the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism” published in European Public Law (Kluwer), in case you want to learn more about the European Commission’s mistakes and omissions in the process.

Ivan Geshev’s Impunity

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Bulgaria’s Supreme Judicial Council has been resorting to creative procedural tricks to avoid examining two requests by two Ministers of Justice for the dismissal of controversial General Prosecutor Ivan Geshev for actions and omissions in office undermining the prestige of the judiciary. Earlier this month, I wrote an article for the Verfassungsblog discussing why the Supreme Judicial Council is among the main reasons why a sitting General Prosecutor of Bulgaria can abuse his office or commit other crimes with impunity. Essentially, this body is one of the main threats to the rule of law in Bulgaria. You can read my article “Impunity: The Unbearable Difficulty of Dismissing a General Prosecutor for Abuses of Office and Other Crimes” here.

The question of Ivan Geshev’s dismissal became even more pertinent in light of the refusal of the Prosecutor’s Office to raise charges against former Prime Minister Boyko Borissov, who was arrested earlier in March, despite evidence gathered by Bulgaria’s Ministry of Interior. Last week, I spoke to the Finnish political magazine Suomen Kuvalehti about the corruption of Bulgaria’s Prosecutor’s Office and why it transpires that the current Chief European Prosecutor Laura Kövesi is helping to expose it. You can read their detailed article with some quotes from me here. Bulgaria’s rule of law decay is not just visible from Finland – German media critical of Angela Merkel’s CDU are also concerned about Borissov’s corruption which is being shielded by Ivan Geshev. You can read the coverage of Borissov’s arrest and its implications by Jungle World with some quotes by me here.

So, What Happened in Bulgaria Last Thursday?

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The arrest of Boyko Borissov, former Prime Minister of Bulgaria, made international headlines and came to the surprise of many. But was it really that surprising? In my latest commentary for New Eastern Europe, I explain in context what happened on Thursday (17 March 2022) and what the stakes are. Bulgaria’s new government is relying on creative means to expose the FrankenState built by Borissov. The former PM built a state within the state to shield his corruption and to harass his opponents. You can read my article “Bulgaria’s institutional wars” here.

Yellow Light for Disciplining Inconvenient Judges by the ECtHR?

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In my latest article for the Verfassungsblog, I analyze the implications of the recent ECtHR judgement on the disciplinary proceedings against judge Miroslava Todorova (Todorova v Bulgaria). Unfortunately, the ECtHR decided in favor of Bulgaria on the two most worrisome issues – violations of the right to a fair trial and the right to private life. In her application, judge Todorova attempted to raise awareness of systemic issues of Bulgaria’s justice system. However, the Court downgraded the harassment against her to an isolated case linked to her role in a professional organization and merely found a violation of her right to free speech. In this way, the ECtHR may have limited access to relief for other judges in similar circumstances. You can read my article ‘Yellow Light for Disciplining Inconvenient Judges? The ECtHR’s Ambivalent Judgment in Todorova v Bulgaria‘ here.

Can You Navigate Bulgaria’s Media Jungle?

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Earlier this summer, I was invited to share my thoughts on media freedom in Bulgaria as part of a project promoting free speech in Eastern Europe. I am very grateful for this opportunity because sharing your opinion without censorship is a luxury and a privilege which many people do not have these days. This is especially valid when you talk about media.

I was hesitating how best to approach the topic as there are so many clichés floating around to which I do not subscribe at all. I believe that many reports on Bulgaria are biased because they do not pinpoint the very core and origin of the problem. At the end, I decided to merely paint the picture that I see. No sugar-coated, misinformed reports, no euphemisms, no quick fix solutions. You can read my commentary “Bulgaria’s media jungle: the good, the bad, and the ugly” for New Eastern Europe here.

On Elections and Political Suicide

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Shortly after the snap parliamentary elections in July, I shared my thoughts on Bulgaria’s future with New Eastern Europe. It appears that one of the parties, which many hoped to provide an alternative to the current dire state of affairs, may have been hijacked by Bulgaria’s deep state. As a result, instead of cooperating with other opposition parties like many expected, it indulges in disruptive behavior. It seems that not only it does not mind committing political suicide in the process, but also hopes that other opposition parties do the same.

In Bulgaria, we usually use the term ‘deep state’ to refer to the network built by Bulgaria’s communist secret services (Darzahvna sigurnost) which was never dismantled because full lustration – disclosing the names of all agents of this network and their activities – was not implemented. Darzhavna sigurnost had become a state within the state, essentially governing the country in the final stages of communism. This network may have evolved and adapted to the post-communist reality, but its values have remained the same.

Dismantling Borissov’s autocracy is surely what many players behind the curtain hope to avoid.

You can read my article ‘Snap elections in Bulgaria: who is ready for political suicide?’ here.

The Implications of Bulgaria’s Wiretapping Scandal

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Earlier this month, I was invited to write a commentary about the raid which the Prosecutor’s Office orchestrated against the Ministry of Interior. The Prosecutor’s Office attacked the ministry shortly after the Minister of Interior Boyko Rashkov made public statements that the opposition had been illegally wiretapped after the start of mass protests in 2020, which, in essence, exposes the criminal activity of the Prosecutor’s Office.

I was compelled to tell the very sad tale of what Bulgarians who are inconvenient for the Prosecutor’s Office or the status quo endure. Framing, raiding, tampering with evidence, criminalizing facts which cannot constitute a crime, etc. are signature practices of the Prosecutor’s Office which flourished under General Prosecutor Ivan Geshev. At this stage, the reality in Bulgaria is truly Kafkaesque.

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The Short-Lived 45th Bulgarian National Assembly

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Believe it or not, many foreign scholars and civil society members are also interested in the abuses of Bulgaria’s General Prosecutor Ivan Geshev. The mass protests against him and Borissov’s third government in 2020 made more people aware of the rule of law decay in Bulgaria.

Unsurprisingly, when the 45th Bulgarian National Assembly started functioning in April 2021, I received an email from a colleague asking me if it were true that Ivan Geshev would be removed from office.

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Elections and Drama

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In my latest article for New Eastern Europe published shortly after the parliamentary elections which took place on April 4th, 2021, I discuss the importance of these specific elections, the likely scenarios, and the reluctance with which Boyko Borissov will eventually transfer power.

Even before the Parliament was convened, I argued: “In parallel, the opposition is fragmented, so while preferable, they may not be able to form a government either. This means that the most likely scenario is a caretaker government and new parliamentary elections this year.” I also contended: “The future may be uncertain at this stage, but the election results are actually a massive victory for Bulgaria’s civil society.”

You can read the full text of my article ‘Dramatic parliamentary elections in Bulgaria: will Borissov transfer power peacefully?’ here.

Parliamentary Elections in Bulgaria

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On 4 April 2021 or in 4 days, Bulgarian citizens will vote for a new Parliament. Unusual elections, considering Bulgarians have been protesting against Boyko Borissov’s government for 8 months and Borissov did everything possible to avoid early elections, which means these are the first parliamentary elections organized by a government led by Boyko Borissov. I have written an article for Res Publica about the incredibly high stakes which was published earlier today. I republish it here with the permission of the editors.

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Колосалният БВП в предизборната кошница на ГЕРБ

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Предизборните кошници често са пълни с привидно вкусни плодове, които след избори се оказват кисели или даже – отровни. Днес ще ви разкажа за колосалния БВП от предизборната кошница на ГЕРБ.

Когато медии с претенции повтарят пропагандни послания без грам критика – noblesse oblige, както казват във Франция.

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Sexism and Violence against Women in Bulgaria

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At the beginning of this year, I was invited to write an article about women’s rights for a project promoting independent digital media in the Central and East European region funded by the National Endowment for Democracy and coordinated by Notes from Poland.

My article titled “Sexism and violence against women. Will this nightmare in Bulgaria end?” focuses on the discrepancy between the promises of Boyko Borissov’s government to protect women from violence and the reality on the ground. Sexist attitudes, often deemed at the core of violence against women, prevail even at the highest ranks of government. Meanwhile, Bulgarian legislation provides very little protection for victims of such abuses.

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COVID-19 in Autocratic Bulgaria

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At the end of 2020, I was invited to write a country report on Bulgaria about the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on democracy in the past year. The report is part of a project facilitated by Democracy Reporting International, Horizon-2020 RECONNECT, and the Verfassungsblog which focuses on more than 70 jurisdictions.

My conclusions are rather grim. I argue that “the elections on 4 April 2021 are of pivotal importance for Bulgaria’s rule of law” since “Borissov has built a framework for abusing the COVID-19 challenges for political benefits”. I also make that case that “if he remains in power, he will surely take advantage of [the framework he has built]”.

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The Struggle for the Rule of Law in Bulgaria: My Interview for the Global Liberty Alliance

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In February this year, Mr. Jason Poblete, President of the Global Liberty Alliance, a non-governmental organization in the USA which defends human rights, invited me for an interview. He was interested to learn more about the rule of law decay and human rights abuses in Bulgaria, including how and why I started my journey in defending human rights.

We scheduled the interview for March, but as it turns out, the timing was perfect because on the day of the interview, the Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the US Senate’s Foreign Relations Committee issued an unprecedented joint statement emphasizing that “…persistent corruption, declining media freedom, politicization of the judiciary, and other threats to the rule of law pose[d] serious challenges to the U.S.-Bulgaria bilateral relationship.”

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The Shenanigans of the Konrad Adenauer and Hanns Seidel Political Foundations in Bulgaria

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A scandal which erupted in Bulgaria today motivated me to tell you the story of the illegal activity of two German political foundations – the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Hanns Seidel Stiftung. In the concrete case which appalled me, the Konrad Adenauer political foundation commissioned an edition dedicated to Bulgarian politics in 2020, hired an editor who is a respected journalist and approved all authors and their topics. However, it refused to publish the edition in the end because it deemed that the articles written by experts were “against the government”.

Of course, this is an example of censorship, but this censorship is just the cherry in a toxic cocktail which Bulgaria has been drinking since 2006 when Boyko Borissov’s GERB party was created. Let me give you its recipe.

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Публикуваните цитати от решението на ICSID недвусмислено показват, че България се е споразумяла със Суверенния фонд на Оман

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Тази седмица Центърът за разрешаване на инвестиционни спорове към Световната банка (International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, познат като ICSID) най-сетне публикува excerpts (цитати) от арбитражното решение по дело No. ARB/15/43 (Суверенният фонд на Оман срещу България). Те недвусмислено показват, че България се е споразумяла с втория най-голям акционер в КТБ.

Това решение касае всички български граждани. Българските данъкоплатци заслужават да научат колко са платили, за да компенсират щетите на Суверенния фонд на Оман. Въпросът, разбира се, не е само материален – очевидно, за да търси споразумение, българската държава индиректно признава вина по случая КТБ. Имайки предвид и ресурса, който беше впрегнат от правителството на Бойко Борисов, за да излъже българските граждани, и участието на медии с претенции като Дневник и КлубЗ в дезинформационната кампания, човек може да си даде сметка колко нездрава е средата в България.

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The EU Accession of the Western Balkans: The Perspective of a Neighbor

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The editors of the Res Publica Blog – a project of the Institute of Communications Studies in Macedonia – recently asked me to share my views on the prospects for EU accession of Western Balkan countries, as part of the “Tales from the Region” blogging initiative. Considering how much ink has been spilled on this issue, I thought it was more appropriate to reason in the reverse – can the Western Balkans learn anything from the experience of new EU Member States like Bulgaria? I republish my article in full on my own blog with Res Publica‘s permission.

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On Bulgaria’s Notorious Veto on Macedonia’s EU Accession Talks

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At the end of 2020, I was asked to share my thoughts on Bulgaria’s veto on Macedonia’s accession talks for EU membership for the Res Publica Blog – a project of the Institute of Communications Studies in Macedonia whose aim is to fight disinformation through research. The project is financed by the British Embassy in North Macedonia and publishes primarily academic writers. I republish my article in full on my own blog with the permission of the editors of Res Publica. As you will see, I do not share the views of the Bulgarian government – I find they belong to a different era.

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An Autocratic Christmas, An Autocratic Winter

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Despite more than 160 days of protests, Boyko Borissov’s government stubbornly refuses to resign. Moreover, it has engaged in yet another assault against the rule of law. In my latest piece for the Verfassungsblog, I showcase how Borissov’s government is trying to mislead the European Commission that it has taken its concerns in Bulgaria’s report under the new Rule of Law Mechanism seriously. In essence, Bulgaria’s government has put forward an action plan consisting of various steps – many of them are irrelevant to the Commission’s concerns, even a greater number are anti-constitutional. You can read my piece titled “Borissov’s Latest Plan to Avoid True Reforms: On Bad Habits, the CVM, and the New Rule of Law Mechanism” here.

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An Interview for the Green European Journal

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In late October, I was contacted by the Green European Journal, the independent publication of the Green European Foundation, which is one of the political foundations at an EU level. They wanted to learn more about Bulgaria’s longstanding challenges in the area of the rule of law. We talked for an hour about diverse issues – from corruption and rule of law decay, through rigged elections and scandals, to the future alternatives for Bulgaria, including the role of the Greens. I was surprised that they published our conversation almost in its entirety. You can read my interview here.

100 Days of Protests Exposing Bulgaria’s Rule of Law Decay

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Bulgarians have been protesting against Boyko Borissov’s third government and General Prosecutor Ivan Geshev for more than 100 days. Beyond exposing the rampant corruption and the rule of law decay in the country, what have the protests achieved? Most importantly – what lies ahead, considering the European People’s Party continues to support its loyal autocrat? I ponder these questions in my latest article for New Eastern Europe – “Bulgaria: 100 days of protests”.

Surely, one of the longstanding problems of Bulgaria’s justice system, which the protests have also showcased, is the lack of accountability of the General Prosecutor, coupled with the excessive powers of the Prosecutor’s Office s/he leads. I was honored to be interviewed for a an episode of the new podcast of Verfassungsblog and the German Bar Association, “Let’s Talk about the Rule of Law”, about the role that prosecutor’s offices should have – their relationship with the executive, the checks and balances to which they should be subjected, etc. José Manuel Santos Pais, President of the Consultative Council of European Prosecutors (CCPE), Prof. Thomas Groß, and I had a fascinating discussion. You can listen to episode 5 of the new “Let’s Talk about the Rule of Law” podcast here.

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The Commission’s Rule of Law Reports: A Diagnosis or an Autopsy?

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On 5 October 2020, the German Marshall Fund of the United States held a webinar dedicated to the first rule of law reports released by the European Commission under the new, much anticipated Rule of Law Mechanism. While the event was announced much before the publication of the reports, its title gave away the fears of rule of law experts – “Assessing the State of Rule of Law in the European Union: Diagnosis or Autopsy?”

I was honored to be invited to serve as one of the panelists along with Prof. Laurent Pech, Prof. Petra Bard, Anna Wójcik, who is the co-founder of Rule of Law in Poland, and Joachim Herrmann from the Cabinet of Commissioner Dreynders. As one could expect, the rule of law experts on the panel entertain very different views on the usefulness and the objectivity of these rule of law reports compared to the formal position of the European Commission. All of us seem to concur that the Commission spares hard truths for governments and that the reports rely heavily on euphemisms. I do believe that the criticism the Commission received was constructive and may benefit its own assessments in the future.

If you are interested in the debate, you can watch the recording on YouTube here. Prof. Pech discussed the general deficiencies of this mechanism while the rest of us critically evaluated the country chapters on Poland, Hungary, and Bulgaria:

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When Standards are Dual

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Bulgaria’s fiery summer of protests led to a stormy fall. Sadly, there is a bitter feeling of dual standards in the air.

The government is clearly uncomfortable with the protests, so it resorted to a shameful trick typical of autocratic regimes – violence. Sadly, the EU Commission chose to look the other way. You can read my article “Protests in Bulgaria: will the EU at least condemn the violence?” for The Brussels Times here.

In stark contrast to the nonchalance of the EU Commission, the EU Parliament took some interest in Bulgaria’s democratic backsliding. At a hearing of the LIBE Committee dedicated to the rule of law decay in Bulgaria, however, Commissioner Vera Jourova, whose portfolio includes values and transparency in the EU, was afraid to depart from her institutional point of view and maintained that Bulgaria had been making steady progress under the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism which monitors the country in the areas of rule of law, corruption, and organized crime. You can read my article “On Coins, Parallel Universes and the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism” for the Verfassungsblog in which I showcase the pitfalls of this mechanism and the hypocrisy of the EU Commission.

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An Explosive Summer

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The mass protests in Bulgaria of 2020 will be remembered for many reasons – the persistence of citizens, the fact that right-wingers and left-wingers stand together against corruption and autocracy, the police violence, the arrogance and political games of Borissov’s government and his GERB party and, sadly, the silence of EU institutions.

In August, I published my article entitled “Protests in Bulgaria: EU values, wherefore art thou?” with New Eastern Europe. I showcase the ambiguous reaction by EU institutions towards the protests and the dual standards regarding the rule of law which become more and more visible.

I was also interviewed for the Talk Eastern Europe podcast in early August about the protests and the perspectives ahead. As the hosts noted, Bulgaria is rarely covered by international media, so few people abroad are aware of the gravity of the political disaster which struck. You can listen to my interview here.

If you follow me, you know I often write about Bulgaria’s rule of law decay.

You can find a list of my blog posts and some of my articles for the media here! You can follow me on Twitter @radosveta_vass!

Съдът в Кипър даде ход на дело срещу Иван Гешев на основание “заговор с цел измама”

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На заседание през декември 2023 г. кипърският съд прецени, че има достатъчно доказателства за обосновано предположение, че бившият главен прокурор Иван Стоименов Гешев и група граждани на Кипър и на Ирландия са извършили “заговор с цел измама” (conspiracy to defraud), и издаде заповед за връчване на призовки. Повече информация за делото може да намерите на официалния сайт на Цветан Василев – ищец по делото.

Тъй като България не е правова държава и прокурорите и съдиите безнаказано могат да надскачат закона, някои са се самозабравили и са надскочили закона и в друга юрисдикция – в случая, Република Кипър.

Лично за мен безсмислените фойерверки около незаконната и непреследващата легитимна цел на правоприлагане ЕЗА на Цветан Василев от миналата седмица са жалка вендета срещу опитите му да защити правата си пред компетентните институции. Изключително тъжно е, че медиите, вкл. съдебни репортери и специализирани правни сайтове, препечатаха нелепа дописка, излязла от прокуратурата, в която единственото вярно е името на Цветан Василев, без, разбира се, да потърсят нито неговата гледна точка, нито гледната точка на адвокатите му.

Някои разяснения за ЕЗА на фона на масовата дезинформация:

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Един звучен шамар за Министерство на финансите, който медиите не чуха

.Reading time 2 minutes.

На 26.01.2024 г. “Програма достъп до информация” публикува прессъобщение, с което информира обществеността за следното: “С решение от 19 януари 2024 г. Административен съд София – град (АССГ) отмени отказ на Министерството на финансите (МФ) да предостави достъп до текста на арбитражното решение по делото на Оманския фонд срещу България и приложението към него. Информацията е поискана от разследващото издание „Bird”, а делото се води с подкрепата на Програма достъп до информация. Арбитражът бе проведен пред Международния център за разрешаване на инвестиционни спорове към Световната банка по дело State G. R. F. of the Sultanate of O. v. R. of B., ICSID C. № ARB/15/43 от 13. 08. 2019 г.”.

За съжаление тази новина е игнорирана от медиите. На практика, обаче, това е звучна плесница за Министерство на финансите, което укрива споразумението от 2019 г. насам, целенасочено заблуждава обществеността, че България е спечелила делото и дори си измисля правила на Международния център за разрешаване на инвестиционни спорове във Вашингтон (ICSID), които не съществуват.

Освен че е справедливо като резултат, решението на АССГ разобличава и една нагла лъжа на Министерство на финансите относно “изискването за конфиденциалност” в производствата пред ICSID. За нея съм ви разказвала много пъти, но вече тя е разбулена и в решение на български съд – една изненада в държавата на мракобесието.

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Стартира нова фейсбук група “КТБ – фактите”!

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Нова година – нова фейсбук група! В навечерието на 2024 г. стартирах фейсбук фрупата “КТБ – фактите”.


Защо? Накратко – защото истината не е по средата, а там, където е.

По-конкретно:

  1. Тази година Върховният административен съд (#ВАС) ще гледа жалбата срещу незаконното отнемане на лиценза на банката по същество. Защо чак сега, след дъжд качулка? ВАС беше принуден да даде ход на делото след осъдителното решение на Съда в Страсбург от 2022 г.
  2. Тази година се навършват 10 години от изкуствения фалит на банката – добре е някои забравени факти да бъдат припомнени.
  3. Фактите около скандала плуват в море от спекулации, прокурорски фойерверки и откровена пропаганда на кръгове, замесени в изкуствения фалит на банката. В групата отсяваме голите факти от сензацията.

За кого е тази група?

За всеки, който се интересува от погрома над КТБ – какво се случва около казуса през последното десетилетие.

Къде може да намерите групата?

Групата може да намерите тук: https://www.facebook.com/groups/1009970290065976/?multi_permalinks=1013629503033388&notif_id=1704627699148410&notif_t=feedback_reaction_generic&ref=notif

Още малко бекграунд – какво ще “гледа” ВАС?

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